On 24 August 2007, the UN Security
Council passed resolution 1773 [1]
extending the mandate of the UN force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) for another year
until 31 August 2008. Its present mandate
was established by resolution 1701 [2],
the resolution that led to a ceasefire between
Famously, in paragraph 1, resolution
1701 called for “a full cessation of hostilities” but then went on to say that
the “full” didn’t apply to
Hezbollah did cease “all attacks” on
14 August 2006, as required by resolution 1701, and hasn’t mounted any attacks
against
“The Israel Defense Forces remain in
control of the northern part of Ghajar village, north of the Blue Line inside
Lebanese territory, although they do not maintain a permanent military
presence. … It should be recalled that, as long as the Israel Defense Forces
remains in northern Ghajar, Israel will have yet to complete its withdrawal
from southern Lebanon in accordance with its obligations under resolution 1701
(2006).” [4]
(The Secretary-General’s earlier
reports to the Security Council were on 18 August 2006 [5],
12 September 2006 [6]
and 14 March 2007 [7]).
Israeli violations
In addition,
British Foreign Office Minister, Kim
Howells, presented data compiled by UNIFIL on these overflights for January to
April 2007 to the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee at its request. According to this data, published in its
report Global Security: The Middle East
on 25 July 2007 [8],
there were 45 overflights in January, 47 in February, 67 in March and 113 in
April. And Michael Williams, then the UN
Secretary-General’s
According to the UN Secretary-General,
in his report to the Security Council on 28 June 2007 (paragraph 16):
“UNIFIL has reported a significant
increase in Israeli air violations, through jet and unmanned aerial vehicle
overflights of Lebanese territory. These violations occur on an almost daily
basis, frequently numbering between 15 and 20 overflights, and even reaching
32, in a single day.” [4]
However, the Secretary-General’s
reports are strangely reticent about the full extent of
“The statements issued by the
Lebanese army show that the number of Israeli land, sea, and aerial violations
of Lebanese borders from 15/8/2006 and until 30/6/2007 reached 939 violations
distributed as follows: 737 aerial violations, 58 sea violations, and 146 land
violations.” (translated by Mideastwire.com [10])
I cannot swear for the accuracy of
those numbers, but 737 aerial violations is not out of line with the numbers
quoted above from official sources, which total 543 for January to April and
June 2007.
The Secretary-General went so far as
to say that “Israeli overflights … constitute repeated violations” of 1701 and
other Security Council resolutions”.
However, he did quote
Surprisingly, the Security Council
applied a mild slap on the wrist to
“deep concern at the increase in Israeli violations of Lebanese air
space and appeals to all parties concerned to respect the cessation of
hostilities and the Blue Line in its entirety.” [11]
The
Cluster munitions
Resolution 1701 (paragraph 8)
requested that
The much greater problem is the unexploded
Israeli ordinance from the 2006 war, in particular, the vast amount of cluster bombs
deposited by
“While there has been a decrease in
the number of casualty figures in recent months, there have been 22 additional
incidents among civilians since my previous report [in March 2007], with one
person killed and 21 injured. Since the cessation of hostilities came into
effect, a total of 203 civilians have been injured (180) or killed (23) as a
result of cluster munitions.” [4]
How many cluster bombs were dropped
on Lebanese soil? Only
“I regret to have to report that,
despite a number of attempts by United Nations senior officials to obtain
information regarding the firing data of cluster munitions utilized during the
conflict in the second quarter of 2006, Israel has yet to provide that critical
data. I call on the Government of Israel once again to provide the information
to the United Nations.” [4]
This prompted another mild slap on
the wrist from the Security Council in its Presidential statement of 3 August
2007, in which the Council expressed more deep concern, this time
“at the presence of unexploded
ordnance in south Lebanon and renews its support for the Secretary-General’s
request to Israel to provide to the United Nations detailed data on its use of
cluster munitions in southern Lebanon.” [11]
Kim Howells told the Foreign Affairs
Select Committee in written evidence (see its report Global Security: The Middle East [8],
Ev 125):
“We have no clear figures for the
number of cluster munitions
How many of these failed to explode? According to Chris Clark of UNMACC, the
estimated of the failure rate of so-called “dumb” cluster bombs is “moving
towards 30%” and of “smart” M85 cluster bombs is “5-10%” (see Global Security: The Middle East [8],
Ev 123). Most of those used were of the
“dumb” variety, and the UN estimates that 1 million unexploded devices have to
be dealt with.
The Secretary-General reported on 28
June 2007 (paragraphs 42 & 43):
“42. In southern
“43. As a result of the joint
efforts of the Lebanese Armed Forces, 22 UNIFIL teams and 75 United Nations
contracted and bilaterally funded clearance teams operating under the
coordination of the United Nations Mine Action Coordination Centre-South
Lebanon, 28 per cent of the surface and 15 per cent of the subsurface of the
36.6 million square metres have been cleared, and 117,872 of an estimated 1
million unexploded cluster munitions have been neutralized.” [4]
It will take many years to finish
the job.
What UNIFIL does
Resolution 1701 provided that UNIFIL
be increased from its previous 2,000 troops to a maximum 15,000. It now has over 13,500 personnel from 30
countries, including 2,500 Italian, 2,000 French and about 1,000 German naval
personnel. The latter form part of the
remarkably large UNIFIL Maritime Task Force, which is supposed to assist in stopping
arms being smuggled into
Reading the Secretary-Generals
reports, it is difficult to see what extra functions are being performed by
UNIFIL today to justify its greatly enhanced numbers. Its area of operation is between the Litani
river and the border with
The Secretary-General reported on 28
June 2007 that “UNIFIL carries out more than 400 patrols per day throughout its
area of operations, night surveillance on suspected activities by armed
elements and operations in open areas” ([4],
paragraph 22). What has been found?
“Coordinated operations undertaken
by the Lebanese Armed Forces and UNIFIL during the period under review [from
March 2007] have led to the discovery of abandoned arms, ammunition, explosive
devices, bunkers and related infrastructure. The most significant discoveries
were an ammunition dump and 17 rockets in the vicinity of El Fardeis, a cave
with 100 mortar bombs in the vicinity of Mazraat Islamiye, two rocket launchers
in Rchaf, a cave containing mines, mortars and detonators in the Kafr Shouba
area and a weapons and ammunitions cache containing an anti-tank recoilless gun
with two rocket launchers and ammunition in the same general area. The Lebanese Armed Forces destroy or
confiscate all arms and ammunition found south of the
But:
“With the exception of two very disturbing incidents,
which occurred at the end of the reporting period, namely, the 17 June rocket
attack on Kiryat Shemona and the 24 June attack on UNIFIL, UNIFIL has neither
discovered, nor received reports of, armed elements inside its area of
operations, other than those within Palestinian refugee camps and local hunters.
At the same time, the Lebanese Armed Forces and UNIFIL have not detected any
illegal transfers of arms south of the
(Palestinian militias are permitted to operate freely
inside Palestinian refugee camps, but they are not supposed to operate outside
the camps).
As for the UNIFIL Maritime Task Force, since March
2007 it
“has hailed more than 3,000 ships. The identities of
all vessels were checked and confirmed, and 25 suspicious vessels were
inspected by Lebanese naval and customs officials on arrival in port. No
attempts to smuggle weapons were reported.” (ibid, paragraph 26)
It
is difficult to see the point of this.
On what basis is a ship deemed “suspicious”? Why do you need to “hail” ships on the high
seas to deem them “suspicious”? Why
can’t “Lebanese naval and customs officials” deem them “suspicious” and inspect
them “on arrival in port”?
(It is worth noting that paragraph
14 of 1701 authorises UNIFIL to assist the Lebanese Government, at its request,
“to secure its borders and other entry points to prevent the entry in
The UN makes no complaint about Hezbollah interfering
with the operations of UNIFIL (and relations with the civilian population in
southern
“I regret to report that there have been several occasions during the
reporting period when actions by Israel Defense Forces personnel have
endangered their own security and that of United Nations personnel. In an
incident on 30 April, a fast patrol boat of the Israel Defense Forces
approached a UNIFIL Maritime Task Force frigate at high speed and on a
collision with the frigate and did not respond to the frigate’s radio
communication. The frigate was only able to avoid collision [course] by rapidly
and significantly reducing speed. On two other occasions, Israeli aircraft flew
at low altitude over Maritime Task Force frigates in contravention of established
procedures.” (ibid, paragraph 27)
Hezbollah rearming?
There is little doubt that Hezbollah
has been rearming since the end of the war, and that the arms are coming across
the
“the disarmament of all armed groups
in
and for
“no sales or supply of arms and
related materiel to
(These and many other elements of
these resolutions constitute interference in the internal affairs of
However, since
The Security Council is supposed to
be concerned with punishing aggressor states so that they don’t re-offend. But
Shebaa farms
The Shebaa farms area is a small
sliver of land occupied by
Israel insists that the Shebaa farms
area is Syrian territory, and the Security Council endorsed this view in June 2000
[14],
when it accepted that Israel had fully withdraw from Lebanon, as required by
resolution 425 passed 22 years earlier when Israel first invaded Lebanon. The Security Council did so in the full
knowledge that
Resolution 1701 (paragraph 10) re-opened
the question of the Lebanese claim to Shebaa farms, asking the UN
Secretary-General to make proposals
“for delineation of the
international borders of
In fulfillment of this, in December
2006 the Secretary-General appointed a cartographer to examine the matter and
on 28 June 2007 he reported to the Security Council that the cartographer’s
findings are being discussed with the relevant parties, including
“The United Nations has transmitted
messages to
If this is true, it will be a
significant reverse for
Prisoners
Resolution 1701 doesn’t specifically
call for the release of the two Israeli soldiers, Eldad Regev and Ehud
Goldwasser, captured by Hezbollah on 12 July 2006. But the resolution’s preamble does emphasise
“the need to address urgently … the unconditional release of the abducted
Israeli soldiers” and, separately, encourages “the efforts aimed at urgently
settling the issue of the Lebanese prisoners detained in
Hezbollah captured the two Israeli
soldiers in the first place with a view to exchanging them for the remaining Lebanese
citizens in Israeli jails from prior to the Israeli withdrawal in 2000. Such exchanges had
taken place at least three times in the past, in July 1996, in June 1998, and
the largest in January 2004 (see, for example, Electronic Intifada article History of
Israeli-Arab Prisoner Exchanges [16]).
In the course of the
2006 war,
“the Lebanese citizens
captured by the Israeli Defense Force during the 2006 conflict have all been
visited by the International Committee of the Red Cross and have been able to
write letters to their families.” [7]
As far as I know, they
still are in Israeli custody, and they are civilians without any paramilitary
connections.
Since the end of the war
in August 2006, the UN has been trying to broker a prisoner exchange deal, but
as yet without success.
David
Morrison
Labour
& Trade Union Review
30 August
2007
References:
[1] daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N07/489/27/PDF/N0748927.pdf
[2] daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N06/465/03/PDF/N0646503.pdf
[3] www.david-morrison.org.uk/lebanon/resolution-1701.htm
[4] daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N07/404/02/PDF/N0740402.pdf
[5] daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N06/473/73/PDF/N0647373.pdf
[6] daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N06/473/73/PDF/N0647373.pdf
[7] daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N07/269/73/PDF/N0726973.pdf
[8] www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200607/cmselect/cmfaff/363/363.pdf
[9] www.usatoday.com/news/topstories/2007-07-25-3960912127_x.htm
[10] mideastwire.com
[11] daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N07/449/41/PDF/N0744941.pdf
[12] www.un.org/depts/dpko/missions/unifil/pr065.pdf
[13] www.david-morrison.org.uk/scrs/2004-1559.pdf
[14] www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2000/20000618.sc6878.doc.html
[15] www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/880513.html
[16] electronicintifada.net/v2/article4986.shtml