Israeli military occupation is not a bar
to EU partnership
On
1 September 2008, the EU decided that meetings with Russia
about a new partnership agreement would be postponed “until [Russian] troops
have withdrawn to the positions held prior to 7 August” [1],
that is, until no Russian troops are present in Georgia
outside South Ossetia.
On
28 November 1995, the EU allowed Israel
to become a partner, under Euro-Mediterranean Partnership arrangements with
states bordering on the Mediterranean. At the time, Israeli troops were occupying
parts of Lebanon and Syria and the Occupied
Palestinian Territories
(the West Bank and Gaza) and had been for many
years – Lebanon
since 1978, the rest since 1967.
Had
the conditions applied to Russia
in September 2008 been applied to Israel
in November 1995, the EU would have refused to enter into negotiation with Israel about becoming a partner until all
Israeli troops had been withdrawn from Lebanon,
Syria and the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
Clearly,
the EU has applied very different standards in its relations with Israel and Russia.
On
the one hand, Israel was allowed to become an EU partner in 1995, even though
large swathes of territory not its own had been under Israeli military
occupation for many years, and is allowed to remain a partner even though most
of this territory remains under Israeli military occupation today. What is more, on 16 June 2008 the EU agreed
to “upgrade” its relations with Israel,
despite this ongoing military occupation of territory not its own.
By
contrast, Russia is not
allowed to enter into negotiation about a partnership with the EU without
ending its month long occupation of parts of Georgia.
It
would be interesting to hear the EU justify those extraordinary double
standards.
Respecting territorial integrity
There
is another extraordinary aspect to the EU’s relations with Israel – the EU has been happy to sign agreements
with Israel even though, at
the time of signing, Israel
has been contravening obligations contained in the agreements themselves.
For
example, the Barcelona Declaration, which established the Euro-Mediterranean
Partnership, obliges its signatories to “respect the territorial integrity and
unity of each of the other partners” [2]
and a series of other norms of international law.
Lebanon, Syria and Israel signed the Barcelona
Declaration and became EU partners in November 1995. At that time, parts of Lebanon and Syria
were under Israeli military occupation and the Golan Heights had been annexed
by Israel. Clearly, Israel was failing to “respect the
territorial integrity and unity” of its Lebanese and Syrian partners in 1995,
when it signed the Barcelona Declaration containing this obligation. But the EU turned a blind eye to Israel’s breach
of the partnership agreement at the time it signed the partnership agreement –
and allowed it to become an EU partner.
And
the EU has continued to turn a blind eye ever since and allowed Israel to
remain an EU partner, even though today Syrian and Lebanese territory remains
under Israeli military occupation and Israeli military aircraft frequently
invade Lebanese air space.
Carrying out Security Council
resolutions
The
Barcelona Declaration also obliges its signatories to “act in accordance with
the United Nations Charter”, Article 25 of which obliges UN member states “to
accept and carry out the decisions of the Security Council” [3]. In 1995, Israel was violating around 25
Security Council resolutions requiring action by it and it alone, including:-
- resolutions 252, 267, 271 and 298 require Israel to reverse its annexation of East Jerusalem,
- resolutions 446, 452 and 465 demand that Israel cease building Jewish settlements in
the territories it has occupied since 1967, including in Jerusalem
- resolution 487 calls upon Israel to place its nuclear
facilities under IAEA supervision
- resolution 497 demands that Israel
reverse its annexation of the Golan Heights, which were captured from Syria in
June 1967
In 1995, Israel was in
contravention of these, and other, Security Council resolutions. In 1995, the EU turned a blind eye to this
breach of the UN Charter and of the Barcelona Declaration – and allowed it to
sign the Barcelona Declaration and become an EU partner. Israel is in contravention of
these, and even more, Security Council resolutions today – and it is still an
EU partner.
Middle
East Zone free of weapons of mass destruction
In the Barcelona
Declaration, Israel
also signed up to the following:
“The parties
shall pursue a mutually and effectively verifiable Middle East Zone free of
weapons of mass destruction, nuclear, chemical and biological, and their
delivery systems.
“Furthermore
the parties will consider practical steps to prevent the proliferation of
nuclear, chemical and biological weapons as well as excessive accumulation of
conventional arms.” [2]
Israel is the only
state in the Middle East that possesses
nuclear weapons (and probably the only one that possesses chemical and
biological weapons). So, its disarmament
of these weapons is a necessary, and probably a sufficient, condition for
bringing about a “Middle East Zone free of weapons of mass destruction”, as
required by the Barcelona Declaration. However,
progress in bringing this about has been noticeable by its absence since Israel signed
up to “pursue” this objective in 1995.
There has been no
progress either on the Security Council’s demand in resolution 487, passed on
19 June 1981, that “Israel urgently … place its nuclear facilities under IAEA
[International Atomic Energy Agency] safeguards” [4]. 27 years later, Israel
still hasn’t opened its nuclear facilities to IAEA inspection, nor is there any
noticeable pressure from the EU to make it do so, let alone disarm in order to
produce a nuclear free zone in the Middle East,
which parties to the Barcelona Declaration are supposed to “pursue”.
By contrast, Iran’s nuclear
facilities, including its uranium enrichment facilities, are open to IAEA
inspection. It is worth noting that,
after extensive inspection in Iran,
the IAEA has found no evidence that Iran has a nuclear weapons
programme, or ever had one. By contrast,
Israel
has possessed nuclear weapons and the means of delivering them for around 40
years. It is estimated that today Israel has
around 200 nuclear warheads and various delivery systems, including by
submarine-launched missiles. It is
capable of wiping Iran,
and every Arab state, off the map at the touch of a button.
Strange that the EU is
actively pressuring Iran
about its nuclear activities, but not Israel,
despite the requirement in its partnership agreement with Israel to “pursue
a mutually and effectively verifiable Middle East Zone free of weapons of mass
destruction”.
David
Morrison
6
September 2008
www.david-morrison.org.uk
References:
[1] www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressData/en/ec/102545.pdf
[2] trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2005/july/tradoc_124236.pdf
[3] www.un.org/aboutun/charter/
[4] www.david-morrison.org.uk/scrs/1981-0487.htm